The counterrevolutionary position of the Trotskyites against the Filipino proletariat and Filipino people

By MLM Study Group of Metro Manila
September 27. 2020

The Communist Party of the Philippines is resolutely, consistently and militantly building itself as the revolutionary party of the proletariat and carrying out the people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war towards the goal of socialism.

The de facto fascist regime of Duterte is frenziedly and brutally trying to suppress the CPP and the revolutionary movement in order to preserve the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system of the big compradors, landlords and bureaucrat capitalists in the service of foreign monopoly capitalism.

What do the Trotskyites do? They try to discredit the CPP and the revolutionary movement as having enabled and supported Duterte to become the fascist dictator and in fact they support Duterte and his military psywar agents by echoing their psywar lines of attack against the CPP and the revolutionary movement.

They wish to break up the broad anti-fascist united front that has developed against the Duterte fascist regime. And they also red-tag the legal patriotic and democratic forces and provide the regime with their reports and propaganda that the sharing of similar views on public issues is proof of complicity in the armed revolution.

What are the ideas that move the Trotskyites against communist parties that learn from the teachings and historical experience of Marx, Engels. Lenin, Stalin, Mao and other great communists?

1. They are moved fundamentally by the anti-proletarian and anti-socialist ideas of their idol Trotsky which caused his expulsion from the ranks of the Bolsheviks. They consider as Stalinist any communist party that agrees with the decision to expel Trotsky for violently opposing socialism in the Soviet Union.
2. They insist that socialism is impossible in any country unless Trotsky’s vague and indeterminate concept of “permanent revolution” results in the simultaneous emergence of socialism in many, if not all countries.
3. They do not agree with the Marxist-Leninist theory and practice of new democratic and socialist stages of the revolution led by the proletariat. They dogmatize that the new democratic revolution is necessarily Stalinist and bourgeois nationalist.
4. They espouse the bourgeois liberal and anarchistic freedom of factions and oppose any communist party that adheres to the organizational principle of democratic centralism. They do not recognize democracy as the basis of centralized leadership through the system of representation.
5. They think that the communist party must have no requirements for Marxist-Leninist ideological, political and organizational building among the party members and must be co-extensive with all workers whatever are their different persuasions and inclinations.
6. They preach that the CPP is genetically Stalinist by their own specious definition and that it cannot do anything but betray the proletariat in favor of the national bourgeoisie. They celebrate the success of modern revisionism at restoring capitalism in the Soviet Union and China as vindication of Trotsky’s anti-socialist position.
7. They pontificate that the new democratic revolution in the Philippines is entirely for the benefit of the national bourgeoisie, unless the main urgent issue to be raised is socialism and not people’s democracy. But they dogmatize in advance that socialism is impossible in one country.
8. They are against the CPP and the proletariat for having a united front policy: having basic alliance with the peasantry, winning over the middle social strata and taking advantage of the splits among the reactionaries in order to isolate the enemy one by one. They want the CPP and the proletariat to isolate themselves in the struggle.
9. They consider any degree of alliance with the peasantry or the national bourgeoisie as betrayal of the proletariat and surrender to the enemy. They mendaciously deny the independence and initiative of the CPP and the proletariat in the united front.
10. They obscure the fact that while the CPP and proletariat cannot as yet seize power in the cities such revolutionary forces as the CPP, the New People’s Army, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines, the revolutionary organizations and the local organs of political power which constitute the People’s Democratic Government are being built in the countryside.
11. They consider as betrayal of the proletariat any engagement by the NDFP in peace negotiations and they misrepresent any kind of agreement, diplomatic statement or gesture of courtesy of NDFP representatives in the course of negotiations as union with, surrender to or support for the enemy even as the people’s war and the armed revolution continue.
12. They judge that the people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war is invalid and futile and must be liquidated because neoliberalism has supposedly created the global value chain and internationalization of the proletariat as preparation for the world socialist revolution in one fell swoop.

Because of their hostility to communist parties in the name of anti-Stalinism, the Trotskyites collaborated with the fascist regimes in the 1930s and during World War II in the vain hope destroying the Soviet Union and the communist-led revolutionary movements in the world. They have also worked for the US and other Western powers in espionage and propaganda operations during the Cold War and thereafter until now.

It is not at all surprising that the Trotskyites are special agents of the US and the Duterte fascist regime in the vile campaign to destroy the CPP and the revolutionary movement of the Filipino people. But once exposed and opposed, the Trotskyites become a minor annoyance and a big failure in anti-communist espionage and propaganda.###